who was destined to be one of the most fertile European religious thinkers of his time, Llucià Antoni Jaume Balmes i Urpi, Vic was born on August 28, 1810.
studied philosophy and theology, which completed later at the University of Cervera. For four years he was professor of mathematics at the College of Vic
published in 1839 in The Catholic Madrid a paper entitled On celibacy of the clergy, he suddenly announced as a great scholar and writer. In the brief eight years separated the time of his death Balmes developed a literary, philosophical, political and journalistic amazing. He wrote many works that are still relevant today for the universal Catholic thought.
fervent patriotism interested in the many problems of the turbulent Spain of his time, spent much of his activity in political affairs. The bulk of production in this field is reflected in numerous newspaper articles he wrote in the last years of his short life, an ardent patriotism born of pain caused him the bad government of the Nation:
"Is there any more excusable loss that is born of righteous indignation? And justice is outraged the feelings running through his veins English blood, thinking about the immense misfortune of this nation, great in itself, and dwarfed, crushed and lost by those who have governed. "
In 1845 he moved to Madrid, where he founded the monarchist newspaper Thought of the Nation, whose wording is occupied almost all by himself. The program pursued with the newspaper Balmes condensed thus:
"set the principles on which to settle in Spain Government nor despise the past, nor neglect the present, or lose sight of the future, a government which, without ignoring the needs of the time, do not forget the rich religious heritage, social and politics that gave us our elders, a Government firm without obstinacy, avenging humane, grave and majestic without irritating disdain of pride, a Government that is as key to building great place where all views are reasonable and obey all legitimate interests. "
The main objective pursued by Balmes with sections of political opinion was the union of the English, he believed in an era in which the factions of parties and cliques energy unnecessarily spent by politicians and made the nation ungovernable. Ending
dynastic dispute between Carlist and Elizabethan, the first armed confrontation had just ended after seven years of bloody fighting, was one of the obsessions of Balmes, who worked to arrange a marriage between the Earl of Montemolín (the Charles VI Carlist, eldest son of Carlos María Isidro) and her cousin, the young Queen Elizabeth II, so that the heir to unite in his person the two branches faced.
On the War of Independence wrote Balmes many of its pages:
"meanwhile was heard the cry of alarm and the English people, alone, without a king, no government, no leaders, as an athlete rose and fell with spirited boldness on the many battle-hardened legions flooded their fields and occupied its major cities and fortresses, and this town was the same people who surnamed thin, lethargic and debased. "
"The great nations of Europe, such as bright and powerful nations, had humbly bent his neck (...) and English soldiers fought undaunted rookies with veterans who came edged with imperial trophies conquered Europe, and when large capitals of Europe and its most impregnable fortresses had been humiliated before French armies, Zaragoza, Tarragona and Girona fun with their steadfastness and courage all the efforts of value, experience and art. Everyone knows what the big ideas that put the time in motion to the English people: religion, country and King. "
on the historical unity of Spain wrote, relying on the distant Middle Ages and again in the recent war against France:
"At that time the monarchy could not be one because it condoned the situation in the country, occupied largely by the Saracens (Muslims), but as they walked by continuing to the shores of the Mediterranean provinces gathered under one rule. León and Castile, Catalonia and Aragon have this phenomenon, and the monarchs who conquered Granada look under his scepter the whole of Spain (...). To say that life in Spain is the federal spirit that provincialism is more powerful than the monarchy, is to venture to sustain what at first view is contradicted by history, is to assume a strange phenomenon, whose existence should doubt how great were appearances indicate that (...). In 1808 all provided with the best opportunity so that if the monarchy in Spain had been an institution false or flimsy, comes off and do pieces, federal provincialism presenting its own unique character and natural tendencies. But that did not happen: the nation was bigger than their kings, yes, bigger, more generous, because the nation is also made threats, and the despised, the nation saw coming upon them the iron and fire, and despised; to the Nation is provided with the rosy promises, and the despised, the nation was told, "that tenacity will cost you your peace, your treasures, the blood of your children," and the nation responded to more than its quietness and treasure and blood of their children, value their independence and honor (...). The appearance of numerous boards in all parts of the kingdom, far from indicating the spirit of provincialism, served to demonstrate more entrenched monarchical unity, because after the first moment it was necessary for everyone to come to his own best defense so that it could be organized and established the central board, meekly paying people to recognize and respect as a sovereign power. (...) And this part is still more remarkable singularity, which is that without agreeing the different provinces, even having had time to communicate, and separated from each other by the armies of the usurper, a rose in all flag. Neither in Catalonia nor in Aragon, and Valencia, and Navarre, the Basque provinces or the cry arose for the old charter. Independence, Nation, Religion, King, here are the names that were written in all manifest in all the proclamations, in all sorts of speeches, these are the names that were invoked throughout with admirable uniformity (...). Was never more alive the feeling of nationality, never more clearly expressed the fraternal unity of all the provinces. Neither the Catalans were hesitant to go to relief of Aragon or Aragonese in helping to Catalonia, and both sides considered themselves happy if they could encourage something to his brothers of Castile (...) English and English were nothing more than well Catalan covering his grim face with the red cap as the Andalusian is outlining the calanes airy. " Similar
reflections dedicated to the then recently concluded Carlist War:
"It is false that there is true provincialism, because neither the Aragonese and Valencian people, or the Catalans remember their old rights, nor the people know what is talking about when they mention, if scholars ever mention antiques enthusiasts. Even in the northern provinces is not true that the fear of losing the rise was caused and sustained the war, those who saw things closely know very well that the dominant cry Navarra and the Basque provinces was the same as ringing in the Mastership and in the mountains of Catalonia. "
And on the responsibility of citizens on the present and future of their nation, which lies only to them and can not leave it to others, wrote these lines:
"We must take the facts, not as you wish, but as they are. It is foolishness to swing in vain hopes, is daring to want to crash into the nature of things, is cowardice folded in the presence of misfortune, and bow and mourn. Spain itself is saved when you save it, otherwise you will not: Spain regain her composure if she works to get it back, otherwise no: Spain will be the government if it uses its resources to blows, and states, and take root, otherwise no: Spain will end the system that already has some years of rule intriguing, and disturbing, and exploiting, if she tries to stop effectively, if not, no: And I repeat, if not, no, if Spain does not think herself, if not remember the past, if it serves the present, if not look to the future, if neglected as good faith and loose as fatigue, let him say a few and do everything in her name, even against it, then neither will the government, no peace, nor repose, no hope of prosperity, and will be subjected to rough gangs, cliques miserable, foreign intrigue, will be the mockery and scorn of other nations (...). "
Shortly after being elected to the Royal English Academy died in his hometown on July 9, 1848, thirty-seven years of age.
